2021年4月22日 星期四

Amid Awakening, Asian Americans Are Still Taking Shape as a Political Force 美亞裔覺醒 尚待成為政治勢力


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讀紐時學英文
2021/04/23 第329期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 
紐時周報精選 Amid Awakening, Asian Americans Are Still Taking Shape as a Political Force 美亞裔覺醒 尚待成為政治勢力
In Bid to Boost Its Profile, Islamic State Turns to Africa's Militants 伊斯蘭國靠非洲民兵再起
紐時周報精選
 
Amid Awakening, Asian Americans Are Still Taking Shape as a Political Force 美亞裔覺醒 尚待成為政治勢力
文/Sabrina Tavernise
譯/李京倫、核稿/樂慧生

美亞裔覺醒 尚待成為政治勢力

For years, Asian Americans were among the least likely of any racial or ethnic group to vote or to join community or advocacy groups. Today they are surging into public life, running for office in record numbers and turning out to vote unlike ever before. They are now the fastest-growing group in the U.S. electorate.

亞裔美國人多年來都是最不可能投票、參與社區活動和倡議團體的種族和族群之一。如今他們大舉參與公眾生活,參選公職者多到破紀錄,投票之踴躍前所未見。他們而今是美國成長最快的選民群體。

But as a political force, Asian Americans are still taking shape. With a relatively short history of voting, they differ from demographic groups whose families have built party loyalties and voting tendencies over generations.

不過,亞裔美國人這股勢力還不夠壯大。他們投票歷史較短,跟歷經許多世代逐漸形成政黨忠誠度和投票傾向的其他人口群體不同。

"These are your classic swing voters," said Karthick Ramakrishnan, director of AAPI Data.

亞太裔數據中心主任拉瑪克里希南說:「亞裔是典型的游離選民。」

Historical data on Asian American voting patterns is spotty. Analyses of exit polls show that a majority voted for George Bush in 1992, Ramakrishnan said. Today, a majority of Asians vote for Democrats, but that masks deep differences by subgroup.

美國亞裔投票模式的歷史資料相當零散。拉瑪克里希南指出,出口民調的分析顯示,1992年大選,美國亞裔多半投給共和黨籍在任總統老布希。如今亞裔大半投給民主黨,實則亞裔各小群體的投票行為差異甚大。

It is too early for final breakdowns of the Asian American vote in 2020, along either party or ethnic lines. But one thing seems clear:Turnout for Asian Americans appears to have been higher than it has ever been.

現在還無法確知美國亞裔各群體2020年美國總統大選如何投票,不論是各族裔群體傾向支持哪個政黨,或是投票給誰。不過有一件事很明顯:亞裔投票率顯然比以往都高。

As relatively new voters, many Asian Americans find themselves uniquely interested in both major parties, drawn to Democrats for their stances on guns and health care and to Republicans for their support for small business and emphasis on self-reliance. But they do not fit into neat categories.

美國亞裔投票歷史相對較短,許多人很獨特地對兩大黨都有好感,欣賞民主黨對槍枝管制和健保的立場,也欣賞共和黨支持小商家和注重自力更生的精神。不過他們的投票傾向並不絕對。

Former President Donald Trump's repeated reference to the "China virus" repelled many Chinese American voters, and the Democrats' support for affirmative action policies in schools has drawn strong opposition from some Asian groups. Even the violence and slurs against Asians, which began spiking after the coronavirus began to spread last spring, have pushed people in different directions politically. Some blame Trump and his followers. Others see Republicans as supporters of the police and law and order.

美國前總統川普屢次將新冠病毒稱為「中國病毒」,惹惱了許多華裔,而民主黨支持各級學校優先雇用常受歧視的女性、非裔等群體成員,亦引起一些亞裔群體的強烈反感。就連亞裔遭受的暴力對待和誹謗,這類事件從去年春天新冠肺炎疫情開始蔓延後急遽增加,也把人們朝不同的政治方向推。有人責怪川普和他的支持者。另外也有人肯定共和黨支持警方、法律與秩序。

More Asian Americans are running for office than ever before. At least 158 Asian Americans ran for state legislatures in 2020, according to AAPI Data, up by 15% from 2018.

如今參選公職的亞裔比過去任何時候都多。根據亞太裔數據中心的資料,2020年至少有158名亞裔競選州議員,比2018年期中選舉時增加了15%。

Asian Americans lean toward Democrats — all the more so among the American-born. But there are things pushing Asians away from the Democrats as well.

亞裔傾向支持民主黨,在美國出生的更是如此。不過,也有一些因素把亞裔推離民主黨。

Despite recent increases in political representation, some Asian American communities still feel invisible, and some members argue that could lead to a rightward turn.

雖然近年來亞裔在政治界的代表變多了,有些亞裔團體仍感覺自己不受重視,一些成員認為這種現象可能使亞裔立場向右轉。

 
In Bid to Boost Its Profile, Islamic State Turns to Africa's Militants 伊斯蘭國靠非洲民兵再起
文/Christina Goldbaum and Eric
譯/李京倫、核稿/樂慧生

伊斯蘭國靠非洲民兵再起

The Islamic State group's self-declared caliphate has fallen, its fighters have dispersed and its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, has been killed.

激進組織伊斯蘭國宣稱控制的哈里發國已然瓦解,旗下戰士離散,領袖巴格達迪也被幹掉了。

But two years after it suffered stinging defeats in Syria and Iraq, the terrorist group has found a new lifeline in Africa, where analysts say it has forged alliances with local militant groups in symbiotic relationships that have pumped up their profiles, fundraising and recruitment.

不過,伊斯蘭國這個恐怖組織於敘利亞和伊拉克受到重挫兩年後,在非洲發現了新的生機,分析家說,伊斯蘭國與當地民兵組織建立同盟共生關係,對雙方提高曝光度、募款和招募新血都大大加分。

Many of those homegrown insurgencies are only loosely connected to the Islamic State group, also known as ISIS. Still, over the past year, as violence from Islamic extremists on the African continent reached a record high, ISIS has trumpeted these battlefield wins to project an image of strength and inspire its supporters worldwide.

這些非洲本土叛亂團體許多跟伊斯蘭國(又稱ISIS)只有鬆散的關係。不過,一年來隨著非洲大陸伊斯蘭極端分子暴行達到新高,伊斯蘭國大肆吹噓這些戰場勝利,用以營造自己夠力的形象,並且鼓舞全球各地的支持者。

Most recently, ISIS claimed credit for a dayslong rampage in war-afflicted northern Mozambique, where militants with distant ties to ISIS ambushed a key port town. The attack left dozens of people dead, and set off talk on ISIS's online forums of the establishment of a new caliphate there.

最近,ISIS自稱在莫三比克陷於內戰的北部犯下歷時數天的暴行,與伊斯蘭國關係極淺的民兵伏擊一個關鍵港市。攻擊造成數十人死亡,並在ISIS的網路論壇上引發在當地建立新哈里發國的討論。

"As an organization more broadly, ISIS is hurting," said Colin Clarke, a counterterrorism analyst at the Soufan Group, a New York-based security consulting firm. "To improve morale among its supporters, its leadership is seeking to elevate regional branches showing the most promise in launching attacks and maintaining a robust operational tempo."

紐約安全情報諮詢公司蘇凡集團反恐事務分析家克拉克說:「作為一個活動範圍更廣的組織,ISIS傷得不輕。為提高支持者的士氣,它的領導階層會去高舉那些最有潛力發動攻擊並能經常發動攻擊的區域分支。」

The siege on Palma, the town in Mozambique, was the most brazen attack yet by the local insurgency and is part of an alarming rise of brutal clashes involving militant Islamic extremists across the continent.

包圍莫三比克帕爾瑪市,是這個地方叛亂團體迄今最張狂的攻擊行動,也是非洲全境伊斯蘭激進民兵捲入的殘暴衝突驟增之勢的例證。

For over a decade, U.S. military and counterterrorism officials have warned that Africa was poised to become the next frontier for international terrorist organizations like al-Qaida and more recently the Islamic State group.

十多年來,美國軍方和反恐官員一直警告,非洲即將變成蓋達和年代更近的ISIS等國際恐怖組織的下一個戰線。

More recently, U.S. officials have warned that even in its weakened condition, ISIS remains a cohesive organization in its former strongholds in Iraq and Syria, with perhaps 10,000 fighters who have gone underground.

最近美國官方示警說,ISIS雖已被削弱,在伊拉克和敘利亞的舊地盤仍是深具凝聚力的組織,可能有1萬名隱姓埋名的戰士。

ISIS has forged ties with many of these local insurgencies in what analysts have described as a marriage of convenience: For the militants, the Islamic State brand brings legitimacy and recognition from local governments. ISIS, in turn, has been able to broadcast the local militants' attacks as proof that their global jihad is alive and well.

ISIS結交許多非洲民兵這類地方叛亂團體,分析家稱之為各取所需的利益結合:對民兵而言,可藉由ISIS的招牌取得正當性與當地政府的承認;ISIS則可透過宣揚當地民兵團體的攻擊,證明自己的全球聖戰搞得有聲有色。

 
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