2020年9月24日 星期四

Who Can Win America’s Politics of Humiliation? 拜登想贏 需安撫川粉受辱的心


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2020/10/02 第315期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
 
 
紐時周報精選 Who Can Win America's Politics of Humiliation? 拜登想贏 需安撫川粉受辱的心
As Traffic Signals Change, Some See a Token Gesture 孟買交通號誌添女性圖案…城市規劃師:沒有更安全 毫無意義
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Who Can Win America's Politics of Humiliation? 拜登想贏 需安撫川粉受辱的心
譯/李京倫 核稿/樂慧生
文/Thomas L. Friedman

Who Can Win America's Politics of Humiliation?

拜登想贏 需安撫川粉受辱的心

About four years ago, without asking anybody, I changed my job description. It used to be "New York Times foreign affairs columnist." Instead, I started calling myself the "New York Times humiliation and dignity columnist." I even included it on my business card.

約莫四年前,我沒問過任何人就把自己的職稱改了,原本是「紐約時報外交事務專欄作家」,我開始改稱自己為「紐約時報羞辱與尊嚴問題專欄作家」,甚至還在名片印上新職稱。

It had become so obvious to me that so much of what I'd been doing since I became a journalist in 1978 was reporting or opining about people, leaders, refugees, terrorists and nation-states acting out on their feelings of humiliation and questing for dignity — the two most powerful human emotions.

有件事對我來說顯而易見,那就是打從1978年成為記者以來,我的工作內容有極大部分是在報導或評論人們、領袖、難民、恐怖分子和民族國家因為感覺受辱而尋求尊嚴的舉動。受辱和尊嚴是人類力量最強的兩種情緒。

I raise this now because the success of Joe Biden's campaign against Donald Trump may ride on his ability to speak to the sense of humiliation and quest for dignity of many Trump supporters, which Hillary Clinton failed to do.

我現在提起這件事是因為,美國民主黨候選人拜登與現任總統川普競選能否勝出,或許正取決於他是否有能耐撫慰 眾多川普支持者受辱和追求尊嚴的心,而2016年民主黨候選人希拉蕊.柯林頓就沒做到。

It has been obvious ever since Trump first ran for president that many of his core supporters actually hate the people who hate Trump, more than they care about Trump or any particular action he takes, no matter how awful.

從川普第一次競選總統以來,有件事一直很清楚:他的許多核心支持者其實討厭那些恨川普的人,勝過在意川普和他任何特定行為,不論這行為有多糟。

The media feed Trump's supporters a daily diet of how outrageous this or that Trump action is — but none of it diminishes their support. Because many Trump supporters are not attracted to his policies. They're attracted to his attitude — his willingness and evident delight in skewering the people they hate and who they feel look down on them.

媒體每天把川普東一個、西一個可憎的行為餵給他的支持者,卻無一足以減損他們對川普的支持,因為許多支持者看上的不是川普的政策,而是他的態度:有意願也顯然樂於痛批支持者厭惡且覺得瞧不起他們的人。

Humiliation, in my view, is the most underestimated force in politics and international relations. The poverty of dignity explains so much more behavior than the poverty of money.

在我看來,受辱感是政治和國際關係中最被低估的力量。「缺乏尊嚴」能解釋的行為,遠比「缺乏金錢」來得多。

People will absorb hardship, hunger and pain. They will be grateful for jobs, cars and benefits. But if you make people feel humiliated, they will respond with a ferocity unlike any other emotion, or just refuse to lift a finger for you. As Nelson Mandela once observed, "There is nobody more dangerous than one who has been humiliated."

人們願意承受困境、飢餓和痛苦,願意對工作機會、汽車和救濟金心存感激,但如果你讓人們覺得受辱,他們會以比任何情緒都猛烈的方式回應,或者乾脆懶得幫你,就像南非故總統曼德拉所說的,「沒有任何人比一個受到羞辱的人更危險」。

By contrast, if you show people respect, if you affirm their dignity, it is amazing what they will let you say to them or ask of them. Sometimes it just takes listening to them, but deep listening — not just waiting for them to stop talking. Because listening is the ultimate sign of respect. What you say when you listen speaks more than any words.

相反地,如果你示人以尊重,如果你堅立他們的尊嚴,他們能容許你對他們說的話或要求他們做的事,會令你詫異。有時候只要聽他們說就夠了,不過得用心傾聽,而不是只等他們停下來,因為傾聽標誌著最極致的尊重。你傾聽時所表達的心意,超過任何話語。

When it comes to politics, a lot of people don't listen through their ears. They listen through their gut, and Biden, more than any other Democratic leader today, has the ability to connect there.

說到政治,很多人不是用耳朵來聽,而是憑感覺,而拜登有能力對人們的感覺喊話,勝過當下民主黨所有其他領袖。

Trump's goal in this campaign is to separate Biden from Biden voters by making it as difficult as possible for Biden voters to vote. Biden's goal should be to separate Trump from Trump voters by showing that he respects them and their fears — even if he does not respect Trump.

川普這次競選著力的目標,是藉由盡可能增加拜登支持者投票的困難,把拜登與其支持者隔開。拜登的目標應該是向川普的支持者表達,儘管他並不尊重川普,卻尊重他們和他們的恐懼,藉此把川普與他的支持者隔開。

 
As Traffic Signals Change, Some See a Token Gesture 孟買交通號誌添女性圖案…城市規劃師:沒有更安全 毫無意義
譯/陳韋廷,核稿/樂慧生
文/Tiffany May

As Traffic Signals Change, Some See a Token Gesture

交通號誌添女性 具象徵意義

At one of the most prominent street crossings in Mumbai, the little people in the signal lights have swapped their straight-legged trousers for triangular frocks.

在孟買極著名的一個十字路口,號誌燈內的小人已將直筒長褲換成三角形連身裙。

The city, India's largest, last month installed 240 pedestrian signals that replaced male stick figures with female silhouettes along a stretch of road in the Dadar neighborhood. Mumbai is the first city in the country to install such signals, and officials say the initiative represents a commitment to empower women.

這座印度最大城市上個月在達德社區一段道路上,安裝了240個以女性身影取代男性人形圖案的行人號誌燈。孟買是印度第一個安裝此類燈號的城市。官員們表示,此案代表對女性賦權的承諾。

The government "is ensuring gender equality with a simple idea — the signals now have women, too," wrote Aaditya Thackeray, the tourism and environment minister for Maharashtra state, of which Mumbai is the capital.

馬哈拉施特拉省旅遊環境部長薩克雷說,政府「用一個簡單的點子來確保性別平等,現在號誌燈內也有女性了」。孟買為該省首府。

But critics called the move a superficial token that would do little to fix entrenched issues of gender inequality in India. While women have occupied powerful positions in the country — Indira Gandhi became India's first female prime minister — instances of high-profile violence against women in public have left many reluctant to leave home unaccompanied after dark. And domestic abuse and sexual assault are the most common crimes against women and girls, according to government statistics.

但批評者說,此舉只是表面功夫,無助於解決印度根深蒂固的性別不平等問題。儘管女性在印度先後出任過一些要職,甘地夫人即曾為印度首位女總理,但引人注目的一些公然對女性施暴的案例,卻讓許多婦女不願在天黑後獨自出門。據政府統計,家庭暴力與性侵是針對婦人和女孩的最常見罪行。

Women in India also face obstacles in education and employment. For every 100 boys in the country, only 73 girls are enrolled in secondary schools, according to government statistics. And women work fewer paid hours than men, bearing the brunt of unpaid domestic labor.

印度女性在教育與就業上也面對障礙。據政府統計,全國就讀中學的女孩,人數僅及男孩的七成三。女性必須承擔無償家務勞動,帶薪工時少於男性。

來自班加羅爾的32歲城市規劃師普佳.沙斯崔說:「這是個象徵姿態,但很俗氣。這些人形圖案一點也沒讓我們在路上感到更安全。」

"It's a gesture, but a tacky one," said Pooja Sastry, a 32-year-old urban planner from Bangalore. "Those stick figures don't make us feel any safer on the road.""It means nothing for the average Indian woman, or a female construction worker crossing the road for her daily wage job," she added. "The crime rate isn't going to come down. Domestic violence isn't going to come down."

她並補充道:「對一般印度女性,或是一個過街去賺取日薪的建築女工來說,這毫無意義。犯罪率不會下降。家庭暴力不會減少。」

A brutal gang rape on a Delhi bus in 2012 shook the country, setting off protests and discussions of women's safety in cities. It also led to stricter punishment for crimes against women, including the death penalty for rape.

2012年,德里一輛公車上發生的一起殘忍輪暴案震驚全國,在各城市引發抗議以及有關女性安全的討論。對侵害女性罪行的懲罰也因而加重,包括強暴者可判處死刑。

But sexual assault, harassment and domestic violence have remained persistent. The country — which was found to be the most dangerous place for women when it comes to sexual violence and harassment, according to a 2018 Thomson Reuters Foundation poll of 550 global experts — reported 33,356 rapes and 89,097 assaults against women that year, according to government statistics.

然而性侵害、性騷擾和家庭暴力卻依然如故。湯森路透基金會2018年調查550位全球專家的意見後發現,就性暴力和性騷擾而言,印度是對女性最危險的地方。據政府統計,那一年印度發生33,356起強暴案及89,097起針對女性的侵犯事件。

When Thackeray tried in January to introduce more night cafes and 24-hour gyms and movie theaters in Mumbai in an attempt to add vitality to city life, his political rivals from the Bharatiya Janata Party opposed the plan because they said it would make women more vulnerable to rape.

今年1月,薩克雷試圖為孟買引進更多夜間咖啡館、24小時健身房和電影院,以之為城市生活增添活力,計畫卻遭到屬於印度人民黨的政治對手們反對,理由是這會使女性更容易遭受性侵。

 
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