2024年4月4日 星期四

Light Shed by Reporters on Gaza War Is Fading 看不見的戰爭 媒體報導加薩愈來愈受限

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2024/04/05 第479期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
紐時周報精選 Light Shed by Reporters on Gaza War Is Fading 看不見的戰爭 媒體報導加薩愈來愈受限
A 'Spamouflage' Campaign Aims to Pump Up Voter Angst 陸認知作戰影響美大選 加劇社會分歧
Light Shed by Reporters on Gaza War Is Fading 看不見的戰爭 媒體報導加薩愈來愈受限
文/Vivian Yee, Abu Bakr Bashir

看不見的戰爭 媒體報導加薩愈來愈受限

To many people outside the Gaza Strip, the war flashes by as a doomscroll of headlines and casualty tolls and photos of screaming children, the bloody shreds of somebody else's anguish.


But the true scale of death and destruction is impossible to grasp, the details hazy and shrouded by internet and cellphone blackouts that obstruct communication, restrictions barring international journalists and the extreme, often life-threatening challenges of reporting as a local journalist from Gaza.


There are pinholes in the murk, apertures such as the Instagram feeds of Gaza photographers and a small number of testimonies that slip through. With every passing week, however, the light dims as those documenting the war leave, quit or die. Reporting from Gaza has come to seem pointlessly risky to some local journalists, who despair of moving the rest of the world to act.


"I survived death multiple times and put myself in danger" to document the war, Ismail al-Dahdouh, a Gaza reporter, wrote in an Instagram post in January to announce he was quitting journalism. Yet a world "that doesn't know the meaning of humanity" had not acted to stop it.


The New York Times and other major international outlets have evacuated Palestinian journalists who were working for them in Gaza, though some Western news agencies still have local teams there.


Apart from those, only Gaza journalists have been working there since the war began.


"Israel is afraid of the Palestinian narrative and of Palestinian journalists," said Khawla al-Khalidi, 34, a Gaza TV journalist for Al-Arabiya, a well-known regional Arabic-language TV channel. "They're trying to silence us by cutting the networks."


The war has damaged or severed communications networks, making it nearly impossible for most Gaza residents to give interviews to foreign media outlets. Telecommunications have disappeared entirely more than half a dozen times during the conflict.


It falls to Gaza journalists, mostly working for Palestinian or regional Arabic-language outlets such as Al Jazeera, or young freelancers equipped with little more than Instagram, to bring scraps of Gaza's reality to outsiders.


Al-Khalidi, the Al-Arabiya journalist, said she had never considered leaving journalism, even as the job got impossibly difficult, far worse than in the previous wars she had covered.


"We're not just reporting on what is happening. We're already part of what is happening," she said.


A 'Spamouflage' Campaign Aims to Pump Up Voter Angst 陸認知作戰影響美大選 加劇社會分歧
文/Tiffany Hsu

陸認知作戰影響美大選 加劇社會分歧

A Chinese influence campaign that has tried for years to boost Beijing's interests is now using artificial intelligence and a network of social media accounts to amplify American discontent and division before the U.S. presidential election, according to a new report.


The campaign, known as Spamouflage, hopes to breed disenchantment among voters by maligning the United States as rife with urban decay, homelessness, fentanyl abuse, gun violence and crumbling infrastructure, according to the report, which was published Thursday by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a nonprofit research organization in London.


An added aim, the report said, is to convince international audiences that the United States is in a state of chaos.


Artificially generated images, some of them also edited with tools such as Photoshop, have pushed the idea that the November vote will damage and potentially destroy the country.


One post on X, formerly Twitter, that said "American partisan divisions" had an image showing President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump aggressively crossing fiery spears under this text: "INFIGHTING INTENSIFIES." Other images featured the two men facing off, cracks in the White House or the Statue of Liberty, and terminology like "CIVIL WAR," "INTERNAL STRIFE" and "THE COLLAPSE OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY."


The narratives did not appear to have any obviously partisan leanings, although Biden was the target of multiple negative portrayals, including references to his son Hunter Biden's legal troubles. Spamouflage's attitude toward Trump was more ambiguous; posts claiming that his "status as an antihero is making him unstoppable" could be interpreted as flattering.


In America's "hyper-polarized division," China sensed an opportunity, said Elise Thomas, a senior analyst at the institute who wrote the report. Spamouflage's focus on social conflict and antagonism in the U.S. presidential race could also signal how Beijing hopes to shape the many other important elections taking place in the world this year.


Spamouflage has been active since at least 2017, Thomas wrote in the report, adding that the campaign is "infamous among researchers both for its sprawling size and for its failure to generate any noteworthy engagement from real social media users."


The report Thursday focused on Spamouflage posts on X. Thomas wrote that while the campaign also operated on YouTube, TikTok, Medium and "literally dozens of other forums, websites and social media platforms," it had proliferated with far more ease on X.


羅馬稱重賣的方型披薩 連波登都讚不絕口!
在羅馬要吃這種pizza al taglio的披薩的話,這家在2004年開的Pizzarium Gabriele Bonci應該是最出名的。它的老闆Gabriele Bonci是披薩界的老手,也是個電視名人。這家Pizzarium Gabriele Bonci連已故的旅遊頻道名廚安東尼·波登來羅馬的時候都造訪過。

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